He had a point.
The Legislative Council was undemocratic, with every member appointed – not elected – to their posts. Wealth and privilege were the primary qualifications for members, who were given lifetime appointments by the Crown, through the governor.
Queensland’s old upper house is now used for mainly ceremonial purposes, including this meeting of world leaders during the 2014 G20.Credit: G20 Pool
The referendum did not end Labor’s determination to be done with the Legislative Council.
In 1921, at the behest of premier “Red” Ted Theodore, lieutenant-governor William Lennon added 14 Labor members to the council. This so-called “suicide squad” promptly voted the Legislative Council out of existence, which took effect on March 23, 1922.
In and of itself, that was a good thing for Queensland. The Legislative Council as it existed was, to borrow a term, unrepresentative swill. But that’s not to say an upper house does not have merit. A house of review can protect a government from itself, by forcing compromise and consultation.
How many terms would the Newman government have had with that approach? More than one, I would humbly suggest.
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The lack of an upper house in Queensland has historically helped facilitate corruption to flourish; the National Party’s gerrymander helped keep the Coalition in power, despite the stench.
Premiers Rob Borbidge and Campbell Newman led the Coalition, then the LNP, to victories over unpopular Labor governments. If opinion polls on the current Labor government are to be believed, David Crisafulli will do the same in October.
Both times the conservatives came to power, it didn’t take long for them to let their crazy show. And both times, they were promptly dispatched at the first possible opportunity.
The past few decades suggest Crisafulli’s chances of being a oncer are high.
The Legislative Council Chamber in 1906, when it was still in use.
Credit: John Oxley Library
There’s a federal parallel, too. Queensland turned against prime minister John Howard when his government, unchecked by the Senate having gained control of both houses in Canberra, went too far. WorkChoices, anyone?
The check and balance was gone, and Queensland didn’t like it. On the seat count, the Coalition’s 21-6 lead over Labor turned into a 15-13 deficit. (The fact Kevin Rudd was a Queenslander did Labor no harm.)
Back at the state level, the committee structure meant to compensate for the lack of an upper house has failed.
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That was never more evident than in April, when a cross-party committee to look into youth justice collapsed, or in 2013, when the Newman government ran roughshod over the process altogether.
Some partisans may disagree, but Labor has generally been very conscious of its eternally perilous hold on power in Queensland. It has not been prone to governing only for its base and has, in the main, taken a very centrist approach – often to the chagrin of the party’s rank and file.
The same could not be said of the erstwhile LNP governments, which governed with an ideological bluster that put them offside with swathes of the population, particularly here in Brisbane.
A re-established upper house could prevent that.
Some would bemoan having even more politicians in George Street. With political dissatisfaction seemingly at stratospheric levels, that is not at all surprising, but a proportionally representative upper house would force the LNP (and Labor, should it retreat to the left) to be more consultative.
It would protect future governments from their worst instincts.
It may be a thorn in an LNP government’s side, but it could also be the secret to its longevity.
Source Agencies
